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New York, February 8th, 1844.
Mr.
Editor—Emboldened by the kind indulgence with which you deigned to
receive my first communication, I venture to send yon the subjoined
letter, leaving it to your editorial discretion, whether you will find
it fit for publication in the Occident. The circumstances under which it
was composed, are as follows: About two years ago I left Germany and
repaired to England, where I resided several months. At the time I bade
adieu to my fatherland, the Prussian government was preparing a new law
for her subjects of the Mosaic persuasion. When this law was being
discussed in the Prussian Council of State, reports as to its
restrictive nature, bordering on the barbarism of the middle ages, came
into circulation, and filled the bosom of every philanthropist with
melancholy forebodings. Soon the agitation throughout Germany became
immense, and the press, as usual, caught the fire of excitement and
entered the campaign with spirit and alacrity. Much was said pro and
contra. Our adversaries rejoiced at having found an opportunity to give
vent to their smothered feelings of hatred, and belched forth torrents
of spiteful lava in endeavouring to revive against our brethren all
those hateful prejudices, that have long been thought consigned to the
tomb of oblivion. But the champions of the cause of liberty were not
idle. With justice and right on their side, supported by eminent talent
and intelligence, they disputed manfully every point; and, although they
could not boast of a complete victory, as the discussion of the law in
question was only abandoned, and things remained in status quo,
they retired from the field with laurels, awarded to them by the
thankful hearts of our co-religionists, and with the gratification of
having espoused a good and sacred cause,—leaving to their antagonists
lacerated feelings of shame and mortification at being foiled in their
odious exertions. It was during this time, when every letter I received
from my friends in Germany was filled with accounts of the state of
things; that in a letter of one of my most intimate friends occurred the
objectionable passage, which called forth the following epistle. Now,
dear sir, I do not intend to injure the feelings of our Christian
brethren by some of the sentiments therein expressed, nor is it an
over-estimate of its literary merits that prompts me to publish it, (for
too well am I conscious of my deficiency in that respect;) but, after
re-perusing it a short time ago, I came to the conclusion, that its
publication might contribute a little to the strengthening of the faith
of those of our brethren in this country, who are פסחים על שתי
הסעפים "stepping on two
sills," and that it might tend towards promoting in our midst a
unity of religious feeling. It is for this purpose only that I wish its
publication, and I hope, that you will be convinced, that I have at
least the will to contribute, to the best of my poor ability, towards
"developing the purity of our belief before the eyes of an admiring
world."
My
Dear David—In your letter, containing a description of the condition
of our co-religionists in Prussia, you use the following words:
"They reproach us with our antiquity and nationality,
against which we have always protested." This sentence awakened in
my mind various reflections, and I, therefore, consider it worth while
to speak of it at length. Though I deem your zeal manifested in our
sacred cause praiseworthy; your right to repulse with indignation the
varied, unjust and hateful insinuations against our brethren
unquestionable: yet I cannot approve of the above sentence, as,
according to my opinion, every Israelite should be proud of his
antiquity and nationality. You have thought right, and, as it seems,
only erred in expression. You will, therefore, permit me to state, what
I understand under the said terms, and, should I err, direct me aright
without ceremony.
Antiquity
is a quality appertaining to old age, to old times, to the ancients, as
also to the relics of the ancients, whether they consist of languages,
monuments, customs, or the like. Whenever "antiquity" is then
applied to a nation, it can only mean, that this nation was formed as
such at a very early period of history, and has ever since enjoyed its
existence distinctly and conspicuously. There can, surely, be no
disgrace connected with this idea. Every thing coming to us from
antiquity enjoys, according to its nature, a certain degree of
venerableness. This veneration varies in its manifestation, as the
object is of general interest, of pure aesthetical tendency, or as, it
comes in contact with the principles and doctrines of parties, whose
acknowledgment is withheld by egotistical and uncharitable feelings.
Now,
my dear friend, ought we to protest against our antiquity and renounce
the venerable quality that it implies? How can we be imprudent enough so
to do? Nay, are we capable of doing so and bid at once defiance to all
the documents, sacred and profane, that testify to our antiquity? Such a
demonstration would appear useless and ridiculous. Moreover, I know of
no nation that did not endeavour to date its origin from the remotest
period.
But
do you, perhaps, understand under antiquity an
"antiquatedness," implying our unsusceptibility for
civilisation? Are we a ruin of days gone by, as we have been very
charitably styled by some of our amiable enemies? Has the all-destroying
tooth of time so much gnawed and disfigured us, have its tempests so
much shaken the foundations of our structure, that we are reduced to an
irrecognizable monument? Oh no! A monument we certainly are, but one
that is living, healthy, growing; a monument of the Lord, in the words
of the Prophet: "I am the Lord and you are my witnesses, says the
Lord." Like me, you shall be everlasting. When, in perusing the
pages of history, we find that all the colossal empires of antiquity,
Assyria, Media, etc., have faded into air; Sidon, Tyre and Carthage, the
emporiums of commerce; Greece, the seat of art and science; Rome,
swaying its all-conquering sceptre nearly all over the inhabited parts
of the Old World, have vanished from the face of the globe and left but
dead monuments of their once possessed grandeur and power:—we find on
the other hand, Israel yet enjoying their existence, preserved by and
clinging to their religion, and though scattered among all nations, a
living testimony of the living God. Our history is as old as the
beginning of all history;—but we are not antiquated. If, therefore,
you mean to say, that we have always protested against such an
imputation, I have nothing else to do, but to add most readily and
emphatically my own protest. The modern history of Israel affords too
ample a proof, that there is yet a youthful blood flowing in our veins,
and that, like the phoenix, we only arise from our ashes resplendent in
greater brilliancy.
As
to ours "nationality" (With which we are more frequently
reproached), I certainly do not remember that we have ever protested
against it. And how could we voluntarily renounce a quality of which
every nation is jealous? Only think what an intense feeling of
nationality inspires the Englishman, Frenchman, etc., and but recently
the German?* And should it be considered as shame with us, when it does
honour to every other nation? Well do I know that we always have been
unjustly dealt with; that our enemies were pleased to style our
consistency—obstinacy; our constancy in the faith—stubbornness; and
by this procedure changed every virtue into a vice. But should we be
therefore so blinded by the repeated attacks of hatred, to believe
ourselves at last the charges that sophistry and rancour prefer against
us? No, my dear friend, let us be national as Hebrews, Israelites,
or Jews, no matter under which of these names we be known, since
each of them conveys the idea of "the chosen people of the
Lord." And when every nation glories in its great men, we likewise
have good cause to be proud of our great men in every age, from Abraham
down to Mendelssohn. We also can boast of heroes, who were patterns,
incomparable patterns of valour and magnanimity, who deposited their
life, their all on the altar of liberty and independence; men whose
superiority of mind and nobleness of heart have been recognized by the
whole civilized world; men who had the welfare of the whole human race
in view, who were not actuated by selfishness, whose chief
characteristics were humility and resignation. Was not even the
so-called redeemer of mankind, who expired on the cross—a Jew? I
should almost think that this "overwhelming" superiority gave
rise to the inveterate hostile mania of our antagonists.† And what a
heroic spirit must be possessed by the Israelites, collectively and
individually, that it could enable them unflinchingly to endure for many
centuries in succession the oppression and opprobrium, that have been
heaped upon them, and which, alas, are yet in our enlightened age
resorted to. Well may we apply to us the words of the English bard:
"Affliction
is the good man's shining scene;
Prosperity conceals his brightest ray:
As night to stars, woe lustre gives to man."
But,
my dear friend, you will say, that we have ceased to be a nation, that
we are natives and citizens of that country in which we live, and the
benefits and protection of the laws of which we enjoy; but that as long
as we cherish a distinct national feeling as Israelites, we are to be
considered as a "status in statu," and are, therefore,
unworthy of being treated as legitimate citizens. This objection,
indeed, seems, superficially viewed, to be very important; it will,
however, soon be reduced to its insignificance, if properly illustrated.
It
is a well-known fact that, as I have already mentioned above, every
nation strenuously endeavours to preserve its respective nationality and
origin. This is not only to be perceived with great nations, composing a
particular empire, such as France, etc., but also with small ones, who,
in the course of history, have been joined to or amalgamated with a
greater power; as for instance, the Scots and Welsh in Great Britain,
the Basques in Spain, etc. And if we direct our eyes to Austria, how
many different nations, composing the great body politic, do we meet
there? Not less, though not so strikingly, is this the case in Prussia;
for we find the Teutonic in the western and the Slavonic and Wendish
tribes in the eastern parts of that kingsom. But has a sound argument
ever or could one ever have been adduced and sustained, to refuse to
some of these tribes, merely on account of their origin, liberty and
equal political rights? Have not most of them retained their customs and
habits, and pride themselves to this day on their genealogy? Are they
therefore less esteemed than their fellow-citizens of a different
lineage? And with us Israelites alone, our parentage, the nobility of
our birth, shall be considered a political disqualification? Have we not
shown on many occasions, how willing we are to sacrifice wealth and life
for the welfare of our country? I should reasonably suppose that the
patriotism and loyalty, so frequently manifested by us, ought to have
ultimately conquered the long entertained and worn-out prejudice against
our nationality, and that we should be recognized as children of that
country, where we were born.
Let
us now, my dear friend, consider the subject in a religious point of
view, and you will then easily conceive, that it is utterly impossible
to resign our nationality. Our religion is too strongly founded on an
historical basis, the most prominent features of our nationality are too
intimately interwoven in its tissue, to render this possible. I need
scarcely say, that nearly all our festivals are anniversaries of the
most important national occurrences. A renunciation of our nationality,
therefore, is synonymous with a renunciation of our religion. And,
indeed, it is but for this latter end, to which the efforts of our
opponents are directed: which efforts, however, thanks to a merciful
Providence, have always been foiled, and will, I sincerely hope, never
be realized. It is painful, indeed, to the devout Israelite, to behold
that the continued invectives of our enemies, and the consequent
unfounded disgrace attached to our name, aided by a defective,
unsystematic religious education and self-conceited charlatanry, have
led astray many of our fashionable heroes, so much so, that they think
it a glory and honour, when in public assemblies, their oriental cast of
features is mot recognized. For the honour of our friendship, my dear
friend, I will hope that you are not labouring under any such delusive
ideas. For (I will avow it), there was a time, when I also shared to a
certain extent the sentiments of that class, and when my opinions
differed greatly from what they are now. But as Schiller says:
"Die
Philosophy schlägt um
Wie unsere Pulse anders schlagen."
My
sentiments and views have undergone a change and are more consolidated.
And I can assure you that I feel more content and independent.
From
what I have said, I hope to have convinced you how inconsistent it would
be to protest against our
antiquity and nationality. I will readily believe that you have been
overpowered by your intensity of feeling, and paid no particular
attention to the wording of a confidential letter. But I also hope, that you will do me justice, and recognize in
this letter, my duty as a friend, to correct an erroneous opinion. For
my part, I feel greatly obliged to you for having been the cause to lead
me to meditate on this subject.
Yours,
J. K. G. [James K. Gutheim] |
